Friday, November 6, 2026

 

Beg's Rebellion: A Young Reporter's Glimpse into NC's First Major Split

 

As I followed the political drama unfolding over the past fortnight and watched Dr. Farooq Abdullah address the media today after meeting, behind closed doors, with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and a number of reportedly dissatisfied NC legislators, I could not help recalling a brief but dramatic revolt that rocked the National Conference (NC) in the late 1970s.

At the time, I was a cub reporter, having only recently joined the Srinagar-based daily Aftab. Its owner and editor, Khawaja Sanaullah Bhat, who was also my first formal mentor in journalism, assigned me to cover a press conference at Mujahid Manzil, the NC headquarters in downtown Srinagar. The conference was being addressed by the party's General Secretary, Khawaja Ghulam Mohiuddin Shah, at a moment when the ruling party was facing one of its most serious internal crises.

The controversy had been triggered by allegations made by Chief Minister Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah against his longtime associate and trusted lieutenant, Mirza Mohammad Afzal Beg. The Sheikh accused Beg of encouraging defections within the NC during elections to the State Legislative Council. To substantiate his charge, he cited Maulvi Mohammad Yasin Hamdani, a prominent religious leader and serving MLA, as the principal witness against Beg.

The Sheikh's demand that Beg step down, followed by his dismissal from the party, sent shockwaves through the NC. A group of legislators rallied around Beg, giving rise to what appeared to be a significant rebellion and raising questions about the party's unity and future.

Against this backdrop, Shah's press conference drew considerable attention. As journalists gathered at Mujahid Manzil, we were surprised by what unfolded. Several of the legislators who had been identified with the rebel camp appeared at the press conference and, one after another, publicly reaffirmed their loyalty and allegiance to the Sheikh and the party.

Among those present was Maulvi Abdur Rashid of Banihal, who can be seen in the photograph taken on the occasion by our staff photographer, Muhammad Amin. The photograph also captures some familiar faces from the journalistic fraternity, including senior journalists (from right to left) Mohan Chiragi, myself, O. N. Koul and J. N. Sathu (sitting at extreme left is Moulvi Abdur Rashid). Looking back, the image serves as a valuable snapshot of a turbulent chapter in Kashmir's political history.



Khawaja Sahab asked me to meet Beg Sahab and interview him for the newspaper. Accordingly, I visited him at his residence in Rajbagh. The moment I introduced myself as a reporter from Aftab, he flew into a rage.

“You people are siding with falsehood,” he protested. “You publish everything Sheikh Sahab says, yet you have completely ignored my side of the story.”

“Sir, I have come precisely to hear your viewpoint firsthand,” I replied.

My response seemed to soften him. A faint, grim smile appeared on his face, and he agreed to speak with me.

During the interview, he made several sharp observations about Sheikh Sahab and levelled a number of allegations against both him and some of his close associates.

The interview became the lead story in the next issue of Aftab. Sheikh Sahab chose not to respond, and there was no reaction whatsoever from him to the remarks made by Beg Sahab. Nevertheless, the interview created quite a stir. It became the talk of the town and remained a major topic of discussion in Kashmir's political circles for days afterward.

Although the immediate rebellion appeared to fizzle out, Beg was not prepared to retreat. In October 1978, following his expulsion from the NC, he launched a separate political organisation, the Inquilabi National Conference (INC). However, the new party struggled to sustain momentum. Many of the legislators who had initially shown sympathy for Beg soon drifted back to the parent organisation, significantly weakening the breakaway movement.

By 1981, it had become clear that the split had failed to achieve its objectives. Recognising the political futility of the division, and reportedly troubled by declining health, Beg formally dissolved the INC in late September 1981. Most of his remaining supporters subsequently returned to the NC fold, bringing the episode to a close less than a year before Beg's death in June 1982.

Political fortunes, however, often take unexpected turns. Beg's son, Dr. Mehboob Beg, entered electoral politics soon thereafter. He contested his first Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election from Anantnag in 1983 and secured a convincing victory, becoming an MLA for the first time. The following year, he was inducted into the state cabinet and served as Minister for Health, Medical Education and Family Welfare.

Over the next several decades, Dr. Mehboob Beg remained an influential figure in the region's politics. He served as the Provincial President of the NC during 2003–2009. In 2009, he won the Lok Sabha election from Anantnag on a NC ticket. Yet political alignments continued to evolve. In November 2014, he withdrew from the Assembly election race and announced support for Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, the patron of the People's Democratic Party (PDP). The following year, he formally joined the PDP and was appointed the party's Chief Spokesperson.

Looking back, the episode of Beg's rebellion illustrates both the fragility and resilience of political organisations. What once appeared to be a serious challenge to Sheikh Abdullah's leadership ultimately proved short-lived. Yet for those of us who witnessed the drama firsthand, including that memorable press conference at Mujahid Manzil, it remains an unforgettable chapter in the political history of J&K. The July 1984 rebellion remains the only large-scale and genuine uprising in NC's history, although critics have often dismissed it as a struggle driven by the pursuit of power. 

Dr. Beg was among the legislators who defected, alongside Abdul Jabbar Sheikh (MLA, Kangan), Talib Hussain (MLA, Rajouri), Hassam-ud-Din Banday (MLA, Hazratbal), Sona Ullah Dar (MLA, Pulwama), Ghulam Hassan Mir (MLA, Tangmarg), Mohammad Khalil Johar (MLA, Bandipora), Hakim Mohammad Yasin (MLA, Khansahab), Munshi Habib Ullah (MLA, Kargil), Dilawar Mir (MLA, Rafiabad), and the nominated members Khem Lata Wakhlu and Gurbachan Kumari Rana. Despite his defection, Dr. Beg was later seen back in the Farooq Abdullah-led NC during the subsequent years.

Although the NC has survived numerous internal schisms and setbacks over the decades, the influence and popular appeal it once wielded have waned with the changing political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir. Even so, its leadership has consistently displayed an astute instinct for survival, managing to contain internal dissent and maintain the party's organisational unity.

One is left wondering why the party failed to address the grievances of Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi. Was it merely a clash of egos, or did the NC leadership underestimate the depth of his disaffection until the situation eventually slipped beyond its control?


 

Tuesday, October 11, 2016

Pakistan flag becomes protesters' new weapon | The Asian Age

Pakistan flag becomes protesters' new weapon | The Asian Age: Pakistan's national flag is now increasingly becoming somewhat an integral part of protests in ...

Thursday, October 6, 2016

In Kashmir, can politics be kept out of education? | The Asian Age

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Monday, September 12, 2016

Monday, July 4, 2016

Separatists use social media to counter curbs | The Asian Age

Separatists use social media to counter curbs | The Asian Age: A Kashmiri saying goes �As the fisherman casts a net the fish discover how to jump over it�. ...


'Hanzan wahroav zaal, gadav heche wott'a'


A Kashmiri saying goes ‘As the fisherman casts a net the fish discover how to jump over it’. Ostensibly taking cue from it, key Kashmiri separatist leaders, who often face official curbs such as transitory or drawn out house arrests or incarceration in police stations and other detention centres depending on urgency of situation on the ground, take to the Internet to reach out the people with their messages. Facebook and Twitter.com are largely used by them to spread their word.       

Mufti Muhammad Sayeed flaunted one-liners like, “Democracy is battle of ideas”, and “bandook se na goli se, baat bane gi boli se” (Neither through the gun nor the bullet, the matter will have to be resolved through dialogue) and promised Kashmiri separatists a political space to vent their spleen. His daughter Mehbooba Mufti pledged to carry the legacy forward when she stepped in his shoes and became the first woman chief minister of restive Himalayan state earlier this year.

But soon deviating from its ‘Democracy is battle of ideas’ promise, the PDP-BJP government began a crackdown on select key separatists leaders including Muhammad Yasin Malik and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. Omar Abdullah, a former Chief Minister and leader of opposition National Conference (NC), accused Ms. Mufti of personally and directly supervising the selective crackdown on separatist. “The same Mehbooba Mufti who advocated political engagement and dialogue with Hurriyat leaders is now supervising a selective crackdown on those separatist leaders who are more open and stinging in their criticism of her policies and U-turns,” he alleged. He also said, “It was PDP that assured the separatists a ‘Battle of
Ideas’ where they would be free to advocate their views in a democratic and free manner. Today she has gone from that self-righteous moral pedestal to the role of personally directing arrests and using almost three decade old cases to send separatist leaders to jail”.

While in confinement, these leaders or their aides on their behalf take to social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter.com to counter act the official curbs and reach out to the people and deliver messages. 

They also use the Internet to send their statements and other petitions to the world leaders like the US President, Barack Obama, the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), the United Nations Military Observers Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) and various human rights groups and, both at home and abroad, prominent political parties and, of course, journalists and media organisations.

As the government tightened restrictions on the Mirwaiz, Kashmir’s chief Muslim cleric and chairman of his faction of separatist Hurriyat Conference alliance earlier this month, he took to micro-blogging site Twitter.com to complain “Barred again by "champions of democracy" from offering Friday prayers. Force, intimidation and coercion policy of the state”. In another tweet, he announced “Govt can’t scuttle our voice by arrests & detentions. Hurriyat will continue to oppose anti Kashmir policies & designs.” While
under house arrest at his Srinagar residence, the Mirwaiz in yet another tweet asked people to reach the City’s historic Grand Mosque for holding protests. He said, “Not allowed to offer Friday prayers at Jama Masjid today. Detentions, house arrests won't frighten us...protests at Jama Masjid today”. Yet another tweet from him said, “After caging all the pro- freedom leadership in the name of ‘peace’, PDP-BJP govt of Mehbooba Mufti now trying to gag media as well. What a shame!”

The Mirwaiz who is among Kashmir’s new generation of Internet savvy politicians who have taken their political struggle to cyberspace uses Twitter.com to draw the world’s attention towards what he alleges is the “serious” human rights situation in the  State and to reiterate the demand of self-determination for its people. Reads one of his recent tweets, “Reject BJP @nsitharaman statement "Kashmiris not a party". Even if India-Pakistan reach
agreement-won't be acceptable to us unless Kashmiris are on board.”

Yasin Malik is also on Twitter.com but he usually uses Facebook to deliver his messages. Mr. Malik, who is the chairman of pro-independence Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), has faced frequent detentions by police in past couple of months amid his pro-active efforts to strike ‘issue-based unity’ in the separatist camp. Last week, he was taken into custody by police while on way to the residence of senior separatist leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani who himself is under house arrest for past several months. He was subsequently sent to Srinagar Central Jail but the JKLF was quick to place his message on Facebook, “Now the shamelessness of so-called rulers has touched a new low as they have chosen to ban even personal meeting between two people. By imposing ban on mutual meetings, so-called saffronised rulers have expressed their animosity against democratic and civilized behaviours,” the message read.

He also said that the move to prevent him from meeting the 
octogenarian leader “proves it beyond any doubt how much the rulers and other authorities fear the unity among resistance leaders”. Mr. Malik announced “these oppressive measures can’t deter us from pursuing the path of truth and freedom and history bears witness to the fact that tolerating these atrocities and bans has been our way of life from past many years.”
Several other separatist leaders like Islamic Students League chief Shakeel Bakshi also spend hours in blogging, responding to online users and updating their Facebook pages or tweet. They maintain the Internet has been an effective tool in both updating Kashmiris home and abroad about the situation in the State and spreading their word especially when under house arrest or facing other official curbs.
Some of the separatist parties have their own Facebook pages and websites which are updated regularly. 



Wednesday, June 29, 2016

Pandit Jia Lal Chowdhury (Jee Chowdhury)ry)


One of the greatest and illustrious sons of the soil who lived graciously




Good to see a piece on Pandit Jia Lal Chowdhury, a leading advocate of his time, in today's 'Kashmiri Uzma'. 


Written by our friend and colleague Zahir Din , the latest in his 'Gumshoda Sitare' series, in the end, says it is not known how and where Jia Lalji spent the last days of his life nor is it clear when and where did he pass away.
Just to say, Jia Lalji was our neighbour at Raze Kadal (Sokalipora). The Chowdhuries had a couple of huge houses on a vast piece of land on the western bank of Nallah Maar, just in front of the Mirwaiz Manzil. A part of the land known as 'Ba'ta Bagh' had virtually been abandoned by the Chowdhuries and we used to play there. We lived in a modest dwelling just across Nallah Maar at the tail end of Saifuddin Pora (western side) and facing ‘Ba’ta Bagh’ and Moulvi Masjid.

Jia Lalji was the father of renowned physician Dr. K.L. Chowdhury who lives in Roop Nagar area of Jammu for the past over two and a half decades. The eldest among the six siblings is Chaman Lal Chowdhury who graduated from London in mid 1960s and worked as a Civil and Environmental Engineer in the UK where he lives presently. The next eldest is Robinder (Robin) Chowdhury, who was in his childhood known to neighbours and friends as Bushan. He lives in Australia where he had been an academic for more than 30 years and is now an Emeritus Professor. Dr. Kundan Chowdhury is third in line and next is a daughter- Dr. Vijay Chowdhury, a specialist (obstetrics) who served for many years as a specialist (obstetrics) in Srinagar including as Medical College staff now lives in Delhi. Youngest son Dr. Surrinder Chowdhury, who graduated from REC ,Srinagar, and did his PhD in electronics in Liverpool, lives and works in Silicon Valley, California, and youngest daughter  Dr. Usha Chowdhury (Kaul), a graduate of Srinagar Government Medical College, has been  for many years a paediatrician working in Buffalo, New York State.
One of the Senior Chowdhury's cousins was Shamboo Nath Chowdhury who was a clerk in judicial department and presently lives in Gurgaon. All the Chowdhuries had shifted from Raze Kadal to various areas of Srinagar in 1960s and 1970s. The sole Pandit family headed by one Raj Nath, an agent of Jia Lalji, and which lived in one of the houses within the premises and stayed put even after the outbreak of insurgency, also left Raze Kadal and subsequently migrated out of the Valley in 1990s. Even Raj Nath's family would be known to many people as 'Chowdhuries' because of their close proximity to Jia Lalji.
Jia Lalji had shifted to S.P.College Lane (Barbar Shah) from Raze Kadal in 1963. He practiced law at the J&K High Court until about four months of his death in 1989 at the age of 76. He was suffering from bronchogenic carcinomas (lung cancer) and was taken to the USA for advanced treatment but to no avail. After returning home and a couple of months before the end came, he visited the court premises to bid goodbye to his former colleagues-lawyers, judges, judicial officers, petition-writers, etc. Among his agents was Gulla Gurkoo, often referred to as Gulla Choudhary- of Budhgeer, Ali Kadal. After Jia Lalji’s demise, among those who visited his Srinagar house to offer condolences was Mirwaiz Muhammad Farooq. This happened few months before the Mirwaiz fell to the bullets of the assassins at his Nigeen residence on May 21, 1990.
Jia Lalji’s illustrious son Dr. Kundan Lal Chowdhury and the most well known among his offspring back home is a medical graduate (M.B.B.S.) from Punjab University and postgraduate (MD) from Delhi University. He did fellowship in Neurology from London. He started his career as a faculty member in Government Medical College, Srinagar, as a clinician, teacher and researcher, rose to become a Professor, and pioneered in Neurology as a subspecialty in the Medical College.
Following shifting to Jammu in 1990, he started a charitable hospital, the Shriya Bhat Mission Hospital and Research Center, which provides free multi-specialty consultation and treatment to the poor and indigent patients and conducts medical camps, surveys and research. He is engaged in multifarious activities as a medical professional, social activist, journalist, poet and writer, essayist and reviewer and is author of several books

A portion of the Chowdhuries’ property at Sokali Pora, Raze Kadal is now owned by a Muslim trader of Srinagar and the remaining part of it was acquired by the government for road-widening a couple of decades ago.

P.S.: Why should the performance and other activities of Jia Lalji’s offspring be of any interest in a piece on him? Just to say, a person will prosper or ruin due to his/her own deeds. He/she has to select what he/she wants. If you are good and helpful to the people particularly to the needy it is not just your good nature which everyone immediately thinks of when they speak of you- that even after you have gone- but your children can also benefit from your deeds. As we say in Kashmir, your next seven generations will reap fruits from the prayers the beneficiaries of your good actions and demeanour may have made for you. Equally important is; good parenting and positive interventions in early childhood can work best as it evidently did in the case of Jia Lalji’s family. 

Sunday, June 26, 2016

'Zero Bridge' adds to Srinagar's charm



http://onlineepaper.asianage.com/articledetailpage.aspx?id=5691519